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Vera Vratuša (-Žunjić)

Science In The Service Of Social Crisis Management Or Apology Of Social Crisis And Disaster Production?

For posing the title question, ample impetus is given by the content of Jan Willem Honig's text “Avoiding war, inviting defeat: The Srebrenica crisis, July 1995”. This text is written as a contribution to the Managing Crises – Threats, Dilemmas, Opportunities (Rosenthal, Uriel, Boin, R. Arjen, Comfort, Louise K., ed: 2001) . The back page of this book announces the ambition of the editors and 25 other notable contributors to » expand the knowledge of crisis management , focusing on case studies of high profile events that have occurred in recent history”. Honig, senior lecturer at the Department of war studies, King's College, London, chose the fall of this particular UN-protected “safe area” for such knowledge expansion. Explaining his choice Honig underlines that in this crisis beside local Serb and Muslim "actors", directly involved were also “all major Western governments ”. Honig recommends himself as advocate, critic and counsellor of these governments by adding that what gave the Srebrenica crisis its “salience” was “the credibility of the major Western governments” and of “their cherished international organizations, NATO and the United Nations” (61). In other words, according to Honig, what actually happened in Srebrenica was not what made the crisis “salient”, but the perceived threat to the authority and interests of Western governments.

Honig does not explain why he did not choose to analyze or even mention the closely related fall of the much larger UN-“protected areas” in Croatia in several genocidal phases before the fall of Srebrenica (Branco, Carlos Martins.1998/2004). The UN protected areas in Croatia were created, in the first place, because chauvinistic and terrorist members of Tudjman's Croatian Democratic Community (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ) as soon as they came to power, began to blow up or raze houses of Serbs. In some cases entire families were killed inside their houses in cities like Zadar and Gospic (Binder, David: 1993). Serbs reacted through self-organization in municipalities with Serb majority. The first attack on a UN protected area by Croat soldiers was made in September 1993 when Serbs from Medachki Dzhep (Medac Pocket) were massacred (Taylor, Scott: 1998). Directly involved in this protracted crisis, were several Western governments, but especially the “credibility” of US government that gave the “green light” for “Operation Storm” (Rudder, Chantal de: 1995) against the largest UN Protected Area, Sector West (Krajina). Lord David Owen even declared “By acquiescing in the Croatian government's seizure of Western Slavonia, the Contact Group had in effect given the green light to the Bosnian Serbs to attack Srebrenica and Zepa” (Owen, David, s.a., 199-200). Governments of NATO member states were all directly or indirectly involved alongside private Military Professional Resources Inc. ( MPRI ), a firm of retired US generals, in mass killing of civilians of both sexes and of all ages as well as in the expulsion or “ethnic cleansing” of around 600 000 Serbs from Croatia from the first terrorist acts to the summer 1995 (documented at http://www.veritas.org.yu/). MPRI continues the “military aid” work for the US government in Kosovo and Metohija and FYR Macedonia ( Chossudovsky, Michel: 2001)

Honig does not say one critical word concerning the armed intervention of western governments in local civil wars on the side of the favored faction(s), among all those engaged in violent seizing of territory and mutual expelling of each other's populations. Simultaneously, Honig carefully hides the key role of western governments in the instigation and exacerbation of civil wars in Yugoslavia (Johnstone, Diana:2002), and many other multi-ethnic and multi-confessional countries in the first place. Western governments recognized the former Yugoslav Republics as independent states yielding to the threats and coercion exercised by newly reunited Germany and the Vatican during the bargaining leading to the Maastricht Treaty which transformed the European Community into the European Union. Western governments ignored the fact that paramilitary troops in these Republics, based on ethnically homogenized former territorial defense formations, violated rules originally set by these same governments and by international law outlawing armed secession . Explanation for this disregard is the fact that Western governments themselves covertly armed these paramilitary formations (Bodansky, Yossef:1995; Wiebes, C, 2003 ). Many Serbs experienced the recognition of secessionist republics , as the repetition of history as it occurred on April 10, 1941 . On that date the Vatican and Germany also recognized the Croat and Bosnian Muslim Independent State of Croatia. During Nezavisna Država Hrvatska (NDH) hundreds of thousands of Serbs were slaughtered and expelled from parts of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, transforming Serbs from ethnic majority into minority in those parts.

Honig only criticizes “dispersal of authority and decision-making powers” during the “operations” of his prospective clients and their “ hesitance to use force” since the end of the Cold War. He recommends to western governments not to avoid resolute crisis management and not to avert war, but to strengthen their “willingness to use … force” in order to be successful in the future “international humanitarian interventions” (62).

In the attempt to preserve the image of a scientist while verbally promoting the crime against peace , Honig uses the same lofty phrases employed by western governments and the mass media under the control of their common corporate financiers , like “defending human rights”, “upholding international law”. Honig never transcends the discourse of an “imbedded” journalist within the ranks of the aggressing NATO army, or a director of a private public relations firm paid to win the public opinion on behalf of its paying client through the quick dissemination of mis/information without any regard for the truth. Honig is so very much the partisan of the oxymoron “humanitarian armed intervention” that he does not ensure that his unsubstantiated statements demonizing just one side in the civil war are consistent. He asserts namely that Serb “paramilitaries” committed “heinous act of genocide” of “Muslim men from Srebrenica” in the UN “safe area”. Just a few paragraphs later, Honig himself gives evidence calling into question such serious allegations.

In carefully chosen terminology avoiding terms like “paramilitaries” and “heinous genocide” that he reserves just for Serbs , Honig admits that in Srebrenica “the territorial defense system of the old Yugoslav army worked for the local Muslim population”. He adds that “many” Muslim refugees from eastern Bosnia “were armed” and “raids into Serb-held territory were a regular occurrence” (62). Honig did not make an effort to examine the prehistory of these “raids”. If he did, he would have found out that former chief of staff of the B&H Arm y in his book Cunning Strategy (Halilović, Sefer : s.a.), confirms that in October 1991, that is about half a year before the civil war broke out, Muslim political and military organization “Patriotic league” formed the military headquarters in Sarajevo. Simultaneously were formed municipal army headquarters, territorial, maneuvering, special, diversion and anti-diversion units and logistical bases. At the beginning of 1992, still before the armed clashes broke out, while the Yugoslav People's Army was furthermore the only legal military force, “Patriotic league” had according to Halilović “around 120 000 members, out of which 60-70.000 were armed ". Obviously aware of the existence of Muslim paramilitary formations, Honig goes even so far as to offer excuses for their “raids” in “desperation for food”. He however withholds the information that armed Muslims often came from the same families that massacred Serbs in Eastern Bosnia during both World Wars. Notorious for its bestiality is the Bosnian Muslim Handžar Division reviewed by Heinrich Himmler in 1944 (Ivanišević, Milivoje, 1994; Cohen, Roger: 1998). From spring 1992 they were indiscriminately and brutally butchering (beheading, cutting, nailing, skinning, impaling, roasting) any villagers that they could find. They slaughtered pigs as well, since they do not eat pork meat, while keeping the stolen sheep in an Orthodox church before selling them for 100 deutsche marks apiece to refugees, whom they prevented to leave the enclave. War criminals even videotaped some of these killing sprees (Pomfret, John: 1994; Schiller, Bill: 1995). They were organized since early April 1992 for Orthodox holidays as a rule, like Saint Vitus day in Višnjica on June 26 1995 (Sweeney, John: 1995). Muslim soldiers stationed in a “safe heaven” burned 68 Serb villages around Srebrenica and Bratunac killing at the least 1300 villagers. The UN observation troops had done nothing to demilitarize “safe heaven” and stop the massacres of Serb civilians. By using the neutral term of “raid” in the case of his protégés , Honig negates their war crime and genocidal character, even though the victims were women, children and old men, not just armed and military aged men.

Honig also withholds the information that along with humanitarian aid for refugees, whose number Muslim government inflated to maximize the flow of aid, additional arms were brought into this “safe area ” that should have been demilitarized, by Islamic countries and the US dominated parts of UNPROFOR. US-led NATO thus obtained the preservation of its local proxy ground troops from military defeat in Srebrenica and tied down Bosnian Serb troops in this pocket to allow Muslim allies to launch an offensive north of Tuzla. This policy of military alliance with the Muslim side in the B&H civil war, may have been an attempt to balance out radically pro-Israel and anti-Muslim policy in the Middle East, but resulted in bringing into Bosnia and Herzegovina Al-Qaeda terrorist organization (Aldrich, Richard: 2002), which is itself the creation of the Pentagon during the former USSR intervention in Afghanistan. USA administration thus made it possible for Al-Qaeda to get a European training ground for terrorist actions in US and Europe.

Honig confesses that “ all parties knew, at least from 1993 onwards, that an eventual peace settlement was unlikely to include a Muslim-held Srebrenica” (62), that “Muslims tried to involve the international community in the conflict on their side” and “ killed a Dutch soldier on July 8” (63). Honig simultaneously passes over in silence the fact that US government officials encouraged Alija Izetbegović , propagator of the theses that “there can be no coexistence between Islam religion and non-Muslim social and political institutions” in countries in which Muslims represent the majority of the population (Izetbegović, Alija, (1970) 1990), to refuse a string of peace plans (Woodward, Susan: 1995). The Clinton administration promised air raids against Serbs as soon as the proper excuse was fabricated. The Muslim government had previous experience in staging mass death events in the “breadline” in the Miskin street and two times on the Markale market in Sarajevo, blaming them on Serbs (Doyle, Leonard, 1992; Manners, Hugh, 1995; Binder, David, 1995). Such criminal and inhumane policy, the critique of which Honig and his disciples dismiss as “conspiracy theory” in spite of UN reports suggesting culpability of Muslim side, made impossible the transfer of Srebrenica to the Serbs through diplomatic means. It is dissenting Muslim Srebrenica former chief of police Hakija Meholjic who revealed in an interview to Sarajevo Dani ( Hadžič, Hasan , 1998) that Alija Izetbegović in front of eight other witnesses told that he was offered by Clinton to let Serb forces enter Srebrenica and carry out a slaughter of 5000 Muslims in order to trigger military intervention. Izetbegovic in fact ordered withdrawal of army commanders from Srebrenica to Tuzla and surrender of Srebrenica without a fight. Some Western war correspondents at the time also observed that “ Muslim soldiers failed to defend town from Serbs … for some reason which we can't understand”. In the same report it was stated that Serb advancing force consisted “of about 200, with five tanks ” (Evans, Michael: 1995). The explanation for “woefully inadequate attempts to oversee the evacuation of the Muslims” (70) and only post festum collection of evidence (71) with very few direct and neutral witnesses of executions, is easy to identify. It was the intention of Western governments to show great interest in the fate of Muslim men only after at the least three times inflated number of Muslim men could be declared executed to justify the pre-planned bombing of Serbs.

Serbs fell into the psychological and propaganda warfare trap . According to one account, the war crime of execution of Muslim prisoners was triggered of when one of them fired from the hidden pistol and killed the popular local Serb commander. The long time accumulated vengeance motive of Serb soldiers, many of whom lost their closest relatives to Muslim war criminals three times just in the 20 th century, exploded. No one was any more able to enforce the expressed orders of the political and military leadership of Republika Srpska that Geneva Conventions had to be observed with all soldiers who turned in their weapons. According to the first 2002 report of The Republika Srpska government's Commission for investigation of the events in and around Srebrenica between 10th and July 19 1995 ( Srebrenica report : 2002), around hundred Muslim men, mostly known war criminals, were executed without trial in acts of personal revenge. The greatest group of remaining about 600 men who disarmed and were separated from women in Potočari for the interrogation, were sent to Kladanj in Muslim –held territory immediately after the check. The rest were sent to the collective center Batkovce in Bratunac and to prison in Karakaj near Zvornik. Even Honig testifies that “ some reprisals against Muslims (responsible for raids on Serb villages) … were expected” (69). General Philippe Morillon, the former UN commander in Bosnia and Herzegovina, explained such expectation during his testimony at the ICTY (Savich, Carl, 2005) The Bosnian Muslim armed forces were executing, torturing and mutilating Bosnian Serb civilians and imprisoned soldiers, committing clear-cut war crimes. Didn't they abrogate in this way the application of the Geneva Conventions with respect to themselves? Serbs made a serious crime of taking justice into their own hands in extreme war circumstances, but did not commit genocide (Bulajić, Milan, 2004). Among the executed some men that might have had no criminal record may have tragically lost their lives. None of them was however massacred with cold weapons like the Serbs imprisoned by Muslims, including women and children, were.

According to the same report of the Republika Srpska Srebrenica Commission, eighteen hundred Muslim soldiers were killed while they fought their way to Tuzla and another hundred died from exhaustion. Serb soldiers sustained around 300 losses in these fierce fights. According to the UNHCR sources, approximately six thousands of them succeeded to arrive to Zenica through the forest. Alija Izetbegović congratulated them, as photographs in Muslim press documented it. After festivities they were sent to new fights against Serbs.

“High representative” of the UN Secretary General, behaving like the Colonial Governor ( The Guardian: 2003), dismissed those elected Serb politicians who did not want to sign the report “admitting” the genocide charge of Western governments (Malić, Nebojša, 2004) . Using Inquisition like methods, Paddy Ashdown finally extorted the signature for the formulation that due to “limited time, and in order to maximize its resources, it (the Commission) accepted the historical background, and the facts given in the Appeal case ‘Prosecutor vs. Radislav Krstia' when the accused was sentenced by ICTY for ‘assisting and supporting genocide' committed in Srebrenica”(Commission, 2004). It is telling finding of this Commission that out of 1849 (not 7000) applications submitted to the Human Rights Chamber and the Supreme Court in B&H by the closest relatives of persons who went missing between 10 th and 19 th July 1995, the Commission was presented with just 1136 applications with sufficient information . It is hard not to agree with Copley that by insisting on acknowledgement and “memorialization” of “vastly inflated and unsupported by evidence” number of 7000 Muslim victims in Srebrenica, Ashdown “perpetuates regional ethnic hatred and distrust and deliberately punishes one of the victim groups in the Bosnian civil war” (Copley, 2004).

Together with Western governments and their military, propaganda and highly politicized judicial machinery practicing double standards in the service of western financiers, Honig minimizes culpability of NATO local proxy Muslim ground troops. They are chosen according to the age old rule divide et impera to be cannon fodder for the realization of imperialistic interests of Western governments in the region. Western governments' “victor's justice” at the International Tribunal for war crimes in former Yugoslavia, set up by the US dominated Security Council contrary to UN Charter (Avramov, Smilja, 1993, Charitos, Panayotis, 1996), so far indicted Muslim and Croat lower level suspected war criminals, if at all, only for minor offenses. On the other hand, it already sentenced several top Serb political leaders and army commanders on the basis of alleged command responsibility for alleged genocide (Mandel Michael, 2004). Western “justice” somewhat unexpectedly, on July 26 2004, freed the highest-ranking Croat indictee, general Blaškić, from all grave charges based on command responsibility. The reason for this sharp change in the judgment policy of the ICTY should be searched for in the possibility that the Western leaders finally realized that they could be tried for war crimes and genocide at the legal International court in changed constellation of international alliances and forces.

The ideological character of Honig's text is illustrated best in passages where Honig negates the existence of material interests of western governments, and insists on “competing moral principles ” like “just peace” (65) and “stopping ethnic cleansing” (69) as their primary motivation for armed intervention. Honig naively or cynically claims that “there were no vital national interests at stake ” (65). Madeleine Albright , whom Honig portrays as a refugee from a Czechoslovakia “tormented first by Nazism and then Communism” having “strong convictions about the standing up to injustice”(66), refutes Honig herself. In many interviews she stresses that it is in the US national interest to intervene in former Yugoslavia and Iraq in spite of “ collateral damages ” in terms of thousands of human lives, especially children's. By national interest, Albright means like other representatives of western governments, as good as possible placement of transnational corporations having the seat in the respective “mother” countries on the most lucrative “reconstruction market” of occupied countries devastated through previous bombardment and the politicians' insatiable appetite for power.

For almost the entire decade Western “ moralistic ”(67) foreign policy makers like Madeleine Albright and her chief, Bill Clinton, “unsure as to his moral authority over the US armed forces and beset by personal moral confusion”(66), accompanied by their propagandists like Honig, keep on repeating their biased interpretation of events. According to them, Serbs “ aggressed ” Bosnia and Herzegovina - even though they live for centuries in this newly “independent” country, and summarily executed “ over 7,000 Muslim men from Srebrenica” in “ one of the major war crimes of the century ”(64). Honig outdoes other similar propagandistic texts, leaving out the common qualification “since the Second World War”. Honig stresses his disagreement with a more balanced view of Srebrenica crisis by UNPROFOR Chief of Staff, General Jan-Willem Brinkman recorded in de Volkskrant on March 4 1995, that this conflict is “ not a meter of good guys against bad guys ” (68-9). Honig, however, inadvertently provides himself arguments undermining the credibility of the hoax he spreads himself on Serb genocide in Srebrenica. Honig namely had to repeat the fact, which a part of western press reported at the time, that Serbs attacked “with a small infantry force on a small front, with some armor in support”(63). Honig adds that this supposedly genocidal Serbs “deported some 23,000 women and children to Bosnian government-held territory”(64). He fails to underline that Serbs provided food and transportation for them in contrast to Muslim and Croat massacre of Serb refugees . The most subversive for the Srebrenica hoax is the fact reported also by Honig that “between 10000 and 15000” Muslim men from Srebrenica refused to disarm and fought their own way out of enclave . Honig and other propagandists of western governments want us to believe that several times outnumbered Serb forces, having on their hands thousands of refugees and heavy fighting on the road to Zenica and Tuzla and further to the north, had the time to execute, bury and rebury 7000 corpses under the spy satellite surveillance! The preposterous story about “secondary graves” appeared because in the mass graves, allegedly containing thousands of corpses according to Madeleine Albright's August 10 1995 satellite photographs , just around 400 unidentified bodies were excavated during the whole of 1996 (Pumphrey, George: 1998). These photographs were soon declared a military secret and thus made unavailable for closer scrutiny. After ten years of searching and excavations, in Tuzla morgue are gathered around 4000 bags with bodily parts belonging, as estimated, to around 2500 individuals. The ethnic affiliation, time, place and circumstances of death are still unknown for around half of these excavated bodily parts. Less then 1000 remains were allegedly identified and buried in the memorial center in Potočari, but the names of supposedly identified persons are not all revealed nor transparently subtracted from the Red Cross list of missing persons, that seems to keep on increasing even after nine years following the event (Fenton Tim, 2005; Rooper, Jonathan, 2005) This did not prevent ICTY to convict Serbs already on account of genocide. Serb forensic experts were not allowed to participate in the excavations and identification procedure. The Red Cross list was drawn on the basis of relatives' reports who declared as missing also some people who died before July 1995, left Srebrenica before its fall, came to Muslim held territory, or emigrated. Many of the names from the missing list, appeared as well on the voting and social security lists after their supposed death (Ivaniševic, Milivoje: 2002). Muslim government still declines to reveal the names of Muslim soldiers of 28 th Division stationed in Srebrenica, and those that succeeded to come to Tuzla and other Muslim held territories like Žepa, or were transferred to Koševo hospital in Sarajevo. Part of 800 allegedly killed prisoners was after release according to Dayton agreement accepted as refugees in NATO member countries. Manchester Guardian thus reported on January 17. 1996 that Muslim prisoners from Žepa arrived to Dublin .

Undisturbed by lack of evidence for the genocide charge against Serbs, Honig concludes that western governments, except the Dutch, learned their lesson from Srebrenica crisis and applied it in Kosovo crisis . The threat and use of air power was implemented “extensively ”, “chain of command was also simplified”, the UN was excluded from decisions on the use of force ”, while US, Britain, France and Germany monopolized decision-making (73). Honig obviously wholeheartedly supports US led NATO aggression on FR Yugoslavia without the approval of the UN Security Council. Honig disregards the fact that NATO bombardment was declared illegal even by a German court that acquitted deserters not wanting to participate in this aggression ( Atkinson, Rodney: 2000).

Honig's “Srebrenica Lessons” were implemented after another staged “massacre in Račak. The “NATO Sponsored Media Scam” was this time realized by Albanian, confessionally also predominantly Muslim, proxy ground troops of Western governments, with the help of the CIA connected US chief of OSCE mission William Walker (Bickel, Markus: 2004). This US government dominated mission, saved terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army from military defeat in autumn 1998 and prepared the terrain for the pre-planned bombing by placing locators. One of those responsible in the Medak Pocket massacre of Serbs in Croatia, ended up playing a lead role –with NATO's blessing –in the 1999 conflict in Kosovo and Metohija too (Taylor, Scott: 2001). The last minute extorted justification for the crime against peace committed by the US led NATO, was the refusal of FR Yugoslavia to accept NATO ultimatum to occupy entire country. This ultimatum, in the form of a secret military annex, that no sovereign country could have accepted, was delivered by Madeleine Albright in Rambuillet , during fraudulent “negotiations” that never even started (Oberg, Jan: 2004). The multi-ethnic delegation of Serbia, never talked to the mono-ethnic Albanian delegation headed by wanted terrorist Hashim Thaqi, hand picked by Madeleine Albright and Wesley Clark. True to his apologetic role, Honig in the case of Kosovo and Metohija repeats the hoax of western governments that it was again only Serbs who practiced ethnic cleansing. Honig chose again to hide the fact that KLA terrorists armed by Western secret services (Walker, Tom, Laverty, Aiden: 2000), attacked and killed beside Serbian soldiers, policemen and civilians, also dissenting Albanians. He also obfuscates the truism that mass flight of population of all ethnic affiliations started only after the NATO bombing had begun . Mass exodus of Albanian population to neighboring countries, for which Honig and NATO blames exclusively Serb “ethnic cleansing campaign”(73), was stepped up beside by bombing, also by KLA leaders. They ordered Albanian civilian population to leave Priština and other cities and go across the border through fliers (Israel, Jared, 2001). The aim was to produce scenery for the CNN broadcasting of the “humanitarian disaster”, as an excuse for “humanitarian armed intervention” that already started and caused this disaster.

The results of application of Honig's Srebrenica lessons are known. Hundreds of thousands of Serbs, routinely accused by the West propagandists that only they “intended to move out for ever” (69) Muslims, Croats and Albanians, were expelled from their age old homes in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Autonomous Province of Serbia of Kosovo and Metohija. The elementary human right to life of remaining Serbs in isolated enclaves is daily being threatened and violated since NATO troops occupied Kosovo and Metohija under the auspices of the UN and passing of the Resolution 1244. The Reign of Terror is best demonstrated by the March 2004 "Kristall Nacht" performed by Kosovo Liberation Army terrorists renamed by KFOR and UNMIK into Kosovo Disaster Response Service and allowed to be headed by wanted war criminal Agim Čeku (Sweeney, John, Holsoe, Jen, 2000). Genocidal acts toward Serbs are being performed under the command responsibility for peace keeping and return of all refugees of chief executives of “humanitarian” armed interventions of western governments , NATO and UN.

As a result of Honig's “crisis management Srebrenica lessons” application, former Yugoslav Republics and other Balkan countries, became re-colonized by Western powers. All levers of economic and social development have come under the control of western transnational financial and corporate capital, through the imposed liberalisation, deregulation and robbery privatization. Neo-colonially dependent Balkan countries are reduced to a springboard for the Western eastward expansion toward Caspian sea and Siberia , and for the drug, slave and terrorists' trafficking from Islamic countries toward the West (Vratuša (-Žunjić), Vera, 2004).

How is it possible that Honig's propaganda pamphlet, condoning NATO crime against peace realized through alliance with local terrorist organizations, poses as a scientific contribution to expansion of knowledge on crisis management? Why Western propagandists like Honig accuse almost exclusively the leaders of one side in the Yugoslav civil war for committing war crimes, for which the propagandists' clients, inciting and exacerbating this war, are guilty even more ? The feeling of guilt by Germans for the Holocaust, explains the interest of German government to reiterate war propaganda lies and thus create “new Hitlers”, greater villains than their Adolph. The rest of western governments' interest to apply Goebelsian war propaganda recipe to keep on repeating the lie until it is institutionalized as official truth can be assimilated to the projection technique. Western governments were namely themselves involved in genocidal economic sanctions in Iraq and FR Yugoslavia, followed by radioactive bombing of both countries and Afghanistan . The construction of the necessity and righteousness of these "humanitarian interventions" were always based on the mass media disseminated hoaxes. They range from the Miskin street, Markale, Srebrenica, Racak Serb perpetrated genocidal "massacres", over Talibans supporting Bin Laden in organizing September 11 crisis, to Sadam Hussein ready to invade Saudi Arabia or attack western allies with the weapons of mass destruction. At the moment of the second attempt of publishing this article in summer 2005, it is possible to identify in Western mass media reports from "hot crisis spots" a pattern of a probable finalization of the new hoax construction for the justification of the already planned "humanitarian", "anti terrorist" or "pro democratic" intervention in Iran. Closer look at every major international crisis in the world, located as a rule along actual and the future oil (and water) pipelines (Colon, Michel: 1998), reveals the involvement of Western governments and western corporate capital in the war complex disaster production (Vratuša(-Žunjić), Vera:2002).

Shouldn't the task of social science be to contribute to prevention and mitigation of social crises through exposure of their social sources, and not to their hiding and the apology of social crises' production in the interest of the financial oligarchy?


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•  Srebrenica report , 2002: Patriot , Banja Luka, Dokumentacioni centar Republike Srpske, B&H, Septembar

•  Sweeney, John, 1995: " The fall started with a massacre of the villagers of Višnjica”, The Guardian , July 16

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Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade University

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